Hospitals & Asylums
By Tony Sanders
All told, there were 7.6 million people
unemployed as of April, up from 6.8 million a year earlier. Long-term unemployment is much higher
now than at the onset of the last two recessions. At the onset of the 2001 recession, 696,000 workers were unemployed for
more than six months, representing about 11 percent of all unemployed workers.
Similarly, at the start of the 1990 recession, the long-term unemployed
comprised 9.8 percent of all jobless workers.
Today, nearly 1.3 million workers have been unemployed for more than six
months (representing nearly 17 percent of all unemployed workers). The percentage of workers exhausting UI
benefits (36%) is higher today than at the beginning of any of the past five
recessions. Given this high exhaustion rate, the Congressional Budget
Office (CBO) assumes that roughly 3.5 million Americans will run out of
unemployment benefits before finding work this year. When
economic conditions deteriorate over a period of months, Congress has routinely
provided extended unemployment benefits to dislocated workers during the last
five decades. Such federally funded extensions have occurred in 1958, 1961,
1972, 1975, 1982, 1991, and 2002. Unemployment
insurance (UI) is estimated to mitigate the loss in real GDP by 15 to 17
percent and saves more than 130,000 jobs in the average recession’s peak year.
Over the first three months of this year, the
U.S. economy lost a total of 232,000 jobs.
The total number of unemployed workers has already grown by 1.1 million
over the last twelve months. In the last three economic downturns (1981, 1990,
and 2001), a one million increase in the number of jobless Americans over one
year occurred four to five months into the recession. Claims for UI benefits have increased
significantly. For the week ending March 29, initial claims jumped to 407,000
(up nearly 90,000 from the same week in the prior year), and continuing claims
rose to almost three million (up nearly 450,000 from the prior year). While there are varying degrees of
unemployment among the States, local areas of high unemployment exist
throughout much of the nation. There are over 100 metropolitan areas located in
every region of the country with unemployment
rates of six percent or higher, according to the Bureau of Labor
Statistics.
In
response to the
Department of Labor’s release of its April employment report, which showed a
loss of 20,000 jobs in the American economy - the fourth consecutive month of job
losses, Rep. Jim McDermott the Chairman of the Income and Family Support Sub
Committee said,
"Today’s employment report is further proof that our economy
is deteriorating under the current economic policies of this Administration,
and American workers are losing their jobs through no fault of their own.
We have just marked the fourth straight month of job losses, with a total of
260,000 jobs vanishing from our economy to date, and few believe that the
economy has bottomed out yet. This is a
sober reminder that Congress should act quickly to extend unemployment
benefits, a belief strongly supported by governors in a letter to the Ways and
Means Committee yesterday, in which they called for an extension of UI
benefits. With gas prices and foreclosures continuing to climb, too many
Americans find themselves living at the margins of our economy. The time is
right and the time is now to extend unemployment benefits."
In response to nearly every recession over the
last 50 years, Congress has provided extended unemployment benefits to both
help jobless workers who are looking for work and to stabilize the overall
economy. Congress should act now to
establish this basic safety net again before more workers are left without
assistance. Of the five
historical recessions beginning in 1969 simulations showed that the UI program
mitigated the loss in real GDP by about 15 percent over all the quarters in
each recession. The impact of UI in the
1990’s recession was found to be more robust than in the 1980's recession,
although less so than in the 1970's recession. The average peak annual number
of jobs saved was 131,000. While the simulations showed a decline in annual
jobs saved during the 1980s as compared with the prior decade, the number rose
slightly in the 1990s. The
first federal action to provide so-called “extended benefits” came during the
recession of 1958, when the Congress enacted a temporary extended benefits
program for workers who had exhausted their regular benefits. Proposals to make extended benefits a
permanent part of the UI program were debated in the 1960s, but the concept did
not become law until 1970. The Extended Benefits program allowed claimants to
receive additional benefits for up to 13 more weeks, or 50 percent of the
duration of their original coverage period. The cost was shared 50-50 by States
and the federal government, and the federal unemployment tax was raised by 0.1
percent to fund the federal government’s share. Under the law, extended
benefits were to be triggered when the unemployment level in a state reached a
specified point; the program could be triggered nationwide if the national
insured unemployed rate reached a specified level. Despite the addition of
the Extended Benefits program to UI, the recessions of the 1970s, 1980s
(includes two recessions), and 1990s left severe long-term unemployment in
their wake, with hundreds of thousands of individuals having exhausted both
regular and extended benefits. In each of these economic contractions, federal
lawmakers enacted temporary supplemental benefit programs financed solely by
the federal government. These emergency benefits programs, which provided
payments beyond the 39th week of unemployment, were tied to state unemployment rates
as triggers.
The 1969-70 recession was more typical of the expected countercyclical pattern, in that there was a UI surplus of $0.4 billion in nominal dollars in 1969 (peak). During the trough of 1970, the deficit in nominal dollars was $1.3 billion. Even though the trough was reached in that year, the deficit ballooned to $2.3 billion in 1971. The brief 1980 recession started in January (peak) and ended in July (trough), producing a deficit in UI taxes of $2.4 billion. The UI deficit shrank to $1.6 billion during the 1981 economic growth, but then expanded to $8.4 billion in 1982. Because the second recession was deeper, the UI deficit remained above its 1980 recession level in 1983, when it totaled $3.2 billion. The first surplus in UI taxes since 1979 occurred in 1984, when the surplus reached $6.2 billion in nominal dollars. The recession of 1990-91 saw the countercyclical UI activity eliminate a 1989 surplus of $2.8 billion in UI taxes and replace it with a deficit of $2.1 billion in 1990, a year in which the economy peaked in July and then moved downward. The economic trough was reached in March of 1991, and the UI deficit climbed rapidly to $10.1 billion in nominal dollars that year. The deficit continued, but at declining levels, until 1994, when UI taxes showed a surplus of $1.4 billion. The recession of 2001 was devastating to the state budgets and the trust funds were depleted, they were replenished during the economic boom and in 2005 the trust funds showed a surplus of $29.3 billion. As the result of the surge in unemployment over the past nine months funds the growth in surplus has declined however judging from the secrecy regarding trust funds balances is can be presumed that they are flush with more than enough cash to finance a $10 billion supplemental extending benefits.
State |
Revenues (000) |
Benefits |
TF Balance (000) |
Interest Earned (000) |
United States Total |
$36,293,745 |
$7,015,453 |
$29,744,198 |
$354,101 |
Alabama |
$306,530 |
$58,941 |
$366,233 |
$4,383 |
Alaska |
$152,086 |
$19,215 |
$219,806 |
$2,516 |
Arizona |
$262,432 |
$62,469 |
$762,841 |
$9,072 |
Arkansas |
$273,352 |
$55,024 |
$139,506 |
$1,643 |
California |
$5,273,430 |
$1,052,924 |
$1,696,165 |
$21,967 |
Colorado |
$505,461 |
$66,906 |
$275,860 |
$3,184 |
Connecticut |
$632,454 |
$127,374 |
$597,640 |
$7,077 |
Delaware |
$79,411 |
$22,415 |
$210,913 |
$2,528 |
District of Columbia |
$109,720 |
$22,501 |
$359,906 |
$4,254 |
Florida |
$1,167,770 |
$221,809 |
$1,833,175 |
$21,880 |
Georgia |
$731,629 |
$136,382 |
$1,146,224 |
$13,515 |
Hawaii |
$134,210 |
$22,346 |
$439,073 |
$5,099 |
Idaho |
$133,970 |
$19,554 |
$121,006 |
$1,376 |
Illinois |
$2,619,692 |
$374,987 |
$509,767 |
$6,400 |
Indiana |
$594,646 |
$135,661 |
$595,246 |
$7,286 |
Iowa |
$262,210 |
$55,781 |
$682,958 |
$8,005 |
Kansas |
$347,196 |
$58,700 |
$460,880 |
$5,432 |
Kentucky |
$359,708 |
$84,269 |
$293,065 |
$3,556 |
Louisiana |
$183,954 |
$131,102 |
$1,428,957 |
$17,682 |
Maine |
$98,162 |
$19,290 |
$442,679 |
$5,191 |
Maryland |
$547,128 |
$89,885 |
$885,649 |
$10,488 |
Massachusetts |
$1,694,162 |
$301,025 |
$523,940 |
$6,131 |
Michigan |
$1,513,141 |
$388,891 |
$630,976 |
$8,267 |
Minnesota |
$858,177 |
$110,620 |
$77,853 |
$736 |
Mississippi |
$142,469 |
$45,793 |
$716,864 |
$8,592 |
Missouri |
$524,549 |
$95,590 |
$106,513 |
$0 |
Montana |
$75,338 |
$10,203 |
$215,375 |
$2,500 |
Nebraska |
$140,085 |
$23,085 |
$163,788 |
$1,951 |
Nevada |
$313,420 |
$49,472 |
$568,150 |
$6,584 |
New Hampshire |
$85,802 |
$13,946 |
$265,441 |
$3,120 |
New Jersey |
$1,714,836 |
$432,673 |
$989,982 |
$12,055 |
New Mexico |
$85,848 |
$25,916 |
$560,704 |
$6,617 |
New York |
$2,652,855 |
$549,780 |
$179 |
$168 |
North Carolina |
$926,820 |
$197,440 |
$11,212 |
$386 |
North Dakota |
$58,067 |
$4,407 |
$90,844 |
$1,026 |
Ohio |
$995,697 |
$234,082 |
$614,297 |
$7,586 |
Oklahoma |
$294,372 |
$37,270 |
$591,478 |
$6,855 |
Oregon |
$762,793 |
$112,980 |
$1,368,128 |
$15,867 |
Pennsylvania |
$2,645,488 |
$470,496 |
$1,080,194 |
$13,061 |
Puerto Rico |
$200,843 |
$56,855 |
$543,346 |
$6,421 |
Rhode Island |
$190,097 |
$43,451 |
$177,412 |
$2,102 |
South Carolina |
$282,088 |
$82,402 |
$314,558 |
$3,841 |
South Dakota |
$18,805 |
$3,937 |
$21,425 |
$260 |
Tennessee |
$462,135 |
$104,901 |
$676,694 |
$8,135 |
Texas |
$1,718,104 |
$318,910 |
$1,381,107 |
$16,670 |
Utah |
$208,377 |
$23,065 |
$491,848 |
$5,620 |
Vermont |
$53,903 |
$13,500 |
$219,854 |
$2,613 |
Virgin Islands |
$2,175 |
$1,708 |
$33,493 |
$402 |
Virginia |
$536,983 |
$75,255 |
$517,122 |
$6,063 |
Washington |
$1,477,907 |
$162,555 |
$2,103,084 |
$23,539 |
West Virginia |
$140,010 |
$29,342 |
$231,867 |
$2,767 |
Wisconsin |
$711,101 |
$153,357 |
$809,009 |
$9,540 |
Wyoming |
$35,628 |
$5,007 |
$179,910 |
$2,092 |
Established under the Social Security Act of 1935 unemployment insurance, protects against the hazard of unemployment through the regularization of employment, by having employers foot the costs through taxation, facilitating return to employment, and maintenance of purchasing power -- and thus economic stability -- during contractions in the economy. The Bureau of Employment Security described this latter purpose in a 1950 document as follows: “By maintaining essential consumer purchasing power, on which production plans are based, the program provides a brake on downturns in business activity, helps to stabilize employment, and lessens the momentum of deflation during periods of recession.” The general framework of the Federal-State partnership undergirding the unemployment insurance system has remained standing although the details of the federal and state roles – and the balance between them -- have been constantly in evolution. Under the program, employers pay state and federal employment taxes on employee wages. Within broad federal guidelines, States basically shape and administer their programs individually, setting state taxation rules, eligibility criteria, and benefit levels. State and federal UI tax receipts are held in a federal unemployment trust fund until they are needed.
For
January 2008, when the national unemployment rate was 4.9 percent, 5 states had
unemployment rates of 6.0 percent or more, while 4 states had unemployment
rates under 3.0 percent. From January 2007 to January 2008, 15 states
experienced a decline in unemployment, while 13 experienced increases of 0.5
percentage points or more. In response
a Letter of the
National Governor’s Association Calling for an Extension of Unemployment
Benefits stated,
“In the last month, 3 states experienced
an increase in the unemployment rate.
The national unemployment rate increased to 5.1 percent in March
2008. Most notable, however, is the
significant number of individuals that are unemployed for 27 weeks or longer,
thus exhausting all unemployment benefits.
Today, approximately 18.7 percent of jobless individuals are experiencing
long-term unemployment compared with approximately 11 percent at the beginning
of the last recession…At the same time, any proposal to extend unemployment
benefits must also address the reality that states need additional resources to
administer unemployment claims for a larger number of individuals for a longer
period of time. This year alone, states
may have to administer an average of nearly 400,000 unemployment insurance
claims without federal funding. Federal
support is needed by state employment and workforce agencies to administer
increased initial unemployment claims, to support weekly unemployment benefits
and to provide employment and training services”.
Federal, state
and local governments are hiring new workers at the fastest pace in six years,
helping offset job losses in the private sector. The Bureau of Labor Statistics reported that Governments added
76,800 jobs in the first three months of 2008, reports the Bureau of Labor
Statistics. That's the biggest jump in
first-quarter hiring since a boom in 2002 that followed the terrorist attacks
of Sept. 11, 2001. By contrast, private companies collectively shed 286,000
workers in the first three months of 2008. That job loss has led many
economists to declare the country is in a recession. The Government hiring began to boom around July 1, 2007 when most
state and local governments started new fiscal years. The United States has
nearly 88,000 units of government, mostly local, that employ 22 million. Hiring
has been strong at every level. The
federal government increased its workforce by 13,800 in the first three months
of 2008. Local governments added 47,000 and states 16,000. Some states may cut hiring to save money.
Governors have announced hiring freezes in California, Delaware, Louisiana,
Massachusetts, New Hampshire, New Jersey and New York, but the actions seldom
trim total employment. Louisiana has hired 4,100 new workers, mostly
replacements, since a freeze began in January.
Unlike
the federal government, almost all states are legally required to balance their
budgets. To meet this requirement in times of economic stress, states may take
such steps as tapping reserves, borrowing from trust funds, securitizing future
revenue streams, delaying spending from one fiscal year to the next, etc. Even
after such efforts, states frequently need to increase taxes or cut spending on
Medicaid, post-secondary education, aid to localities, or other priorities. All
of the latter actions tend to worsen the economic downturn. One way states
can avoid making deep reductions in services during a recession is to build up
rainy day funds and other reserves. At the end of FY2006, state reserves,
general fund balances and rainy day funds, totaled 11.5 percent of annual state
spending. These reserves are estimated to decline to 6.7 percent of
annual spending by the end of this fiscal year. Reserves can be
particularly important to help states adjust in the early months of a fiscal
crisis, but generally are not sufficient to avert the need for substantial
budget cuts or tax increases.
Recessions bring about a paradox in
government spending, although more people become eligible for public services
state spend less in order to balance their budgets. Generally, a 1 percentage point increase in the
unemployment rate causes state General Fund revenue to drop by 3 to 4 percent
below expected levels. If states must balance their budgets and all state
spending is reduced proportionately, a 1 percentage point increase in
unemployment would therefore entail a 3 to 4 percent reduction in Medicaid and
SCHIP spending. However a 1 percentage point rise in
the national unemployment rate would increase Medicaid and SCHIP enrollment by
1 million (600,000 children and 400,000 non-elderly adults) and cause the
number of uninsured to grow by 1.1 million. That would increase Medicaid and
SCHIP costs by $3.4 billion, including $1.4 billion in state spending. This
represents a 1 percent increase in total Medicaid and SCHIP expenditures.
Already,
Governors and other state officials are proposing significant cutbacks.
Medicaid and SCHIP cuts are proposed in 13 states; K-12 education is targeted
in 9 states; higher education funding is proposed for reductions in 12 states;
and 7 states have either increased taxes or are considering such increases. While
serious budget problems loom in many places, state circumstances vary. Many
localities are experiencing significant fiscal difficulty. Most cities depend
on property tax revenues, which can be disproportionately affected by the
problems of the housing market that are a driving force in the current
downturn. According to the National League of Cities, 62 percent of cities have
seen an increase in foreclosures, and 33 percent are experiencing or projecting
a drop in revenue, compared to one year ago. In prior slowdowns, by
contrast, housing was an area of economic strength, helping limit fiscal
damage. Compared to past downturns, states now have less capacity to address
their budget challenges by shifting responsibilities to localities or cutting
their aid.
In response to the last economic downturn, which took place earlier this decade, the federal government passed the Jobs and Growth Tax Relief Reconciliation Act (JGTRRA), which provided $20 billion in fiscal relief to states: $10 billion in the form of block grants and the other $10 billion in a 2.95 percentage point increase to each state’s federal medical assistance percentage. This round of state budget problems may present particular challenges to state policymakers, for several reasons. First, many states have less capacity than in the past to make relatively painless reductions. The three previous economic downturns occurred roughly once a decade – in the early 1980s, the early 1990s, and the early years of the current decade. The present downturn is beginning with approximately half that much time having elapsed since the last economic slowdown. Accordingly, compared to previous downturns, states have restored fewer prior reductions to Medicaid and other services. This new round of cutbacks will therefore be made against a lower baseline service level. The Economic Stimulus Package of 2008 HR 5140 began administrating $160 billion in $600 tax rebates to taxpayers, $300 per child and social security beneficiary as well as relief for mortgage lending.
As
the country heads into economic downturn, 28 states (including the District of
Columbia) are forecasting budget deficits for the coming fiscal year, which
collectively exceed $39 billion. The 25
states in which revenues have fallen short of or are expected to fall short of
the amount needed to support current services in fiscal year 2009 are Alabama,
Arizona, California, Delaware, Florida, Georgia, Illinois, Iowa, Kentucky,
Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts, Minnesota, Nevada, New Hampshire, New Jersey,
New York, Ohio, Oklahoma, Rhode Island, South Carolina, Tennessee, Vermont,
Virginia, and Wisconsin. In addition, the District of Columbia is
expecting a shortfall in fiscal year 2009. The budget gaps total $40.1 to
$42.1 billion, averaging 8.4 - 8.8 percent of these states’ general fund
budgets. Another
three states face or faced budget shortfalls for fiscal year 2009, but
information on the size of those deficits is not available. They are
Louisiana, Michigan, and Mississippi. Analysts in
three other states - Connecticut, Missouri, and Texas - are projecting budget
gaps a little further down the road, in FY2010 and beyond. This brings the total number of states
identified as facing budget gaps to 31 - more than half of all states. The
remaining 19 states did not foresee FY2009 budget gaps at the time of the
survey either because their budgets remain strong or because they have not yet
prepared updated revenue and spending projections for fiscal year 2009.
Some mineral-rich states - such as New Mexico, Alaska, and Montana - are seeing
revenue growth as a result of high oil prices.
25 STATES PLUS DC WITH
GAPS FOR FY2009 |
||
|
Amount |
Percent of FY2008 General Fund |
Alabama |
$784 million |
9.2% |
Arizona |
$1.9 billion |
17.8% |
California1 |
$16.0 billion |
15.4% |
Delaware |
$100 million - $254 million |
2.9 - 7.4% |
District of
Columbia |
$96 million |
1.5% |
Florida |
$3.4 billion |
11.0% |
Georgia |
$200 million - $300 million |
1.0 – 1.5% |
Illinois |
$1,8 billion |
6.6% |
Iowa |
$350 million |
6.0% |
Kentucky1 |
$266 million |
2.9% |
Maine1 |
$124 million |
4.0% |
Maryland1 |
$808 million |
5.5% |
Massachusetts |
$1.2 billion |
4.2% |
Minnesota |
$935 million |
5.5% |
Nevada1 |
$898 million |
13.5% |
New Hampshire |
$50 million - $150 million |
1.6 – 4.8% |
New Jersey |
$2.5 - $3.5 billion |
7.6 - 10.6% |
New York1 |
$4.9 billion |
9.1% |
Ohio |
$733 million - $1.3 billion |
2.7 - 4.7% |
Oklahoma |
$114 million |
1.6% |
Rhode Island |
$380 million |
11.2% |
South Carolina |
$250 million |
3.7% |
Tennessee |
$400 million - $500 million |
3.6 - 4.4% |
Vermont |
$59 million |
5.1% |
Virginia1 |
$1.2 billion |
6.9% |
Wisconsin |
$652 million |
4.8% |
TOTAL |
$40.1 - $42.1 billion |
8.4 - 8.8% |
1 These states have adopted new or revised
budgets that address these shortfalls |
Poorly targeted stimulus can exacerbate macroeconomic problems, even during a national economic downturn. If fiscal relief dollars go to states with relatively healthy economies, the federal deficit can increase without the countervailing advantage of providing stimulus. In principle, an automatic stabilizer acts to dampen fluctuations in the level of economic activity. Automatic countercyclical programs are designed to ensure that fiscal injections or withdrawals occur in a timely fashion, without design or implementation delays that accompany discretionary policy. As an automatic stabilizer, a fiscal instrument works with no discretionary policy decisions required. Recessionary declines in economic activity are met with expansionary levels of fiscal expenditure and reduced taxes. Potential inflationary expansions are slowed by the increased levels of taxes and reduced expenditure. Public expenditures act as fiscal injections in the macro-economy. Fiscal injections also act on the economy with a multiplier effect. Changes in government expenditures lead to changes in the level of economic activity in the same direction. Increasing public expenditure adds to the level of aggregate demand for a given level of income. Macro-economic multiplier effects of the increased government expenditures work through the economy and lead to increases in the level of income. Decreased public expenditure slows the economy. Reducing government spending for a given level of income reduces aggregate demand and aggregate expenditure.
The expenditures and taxes of the UI program act in tandem as an automatic stabilizer. In the core UI program (regular and extended benefits), expenditures and taxes operate without external intervention. That is, during periods of expansion and rising employment, taxes are collected automatically according to pre-established guidelines. During economic contractions, employment levels fall, tax collections slow, and benefit payouts rise to UI claimants under pre-established terms and conditions. Consistent with the theory and empirical evidence of automatic economic stabilizers, these attributes serve as counterbalances to the direction of the economy: During an expansion, UI taxation rises and UI benefits fall, dampening inflationary pressures of economic growth. During a contraction, injections of UI benefits flow into the economy and UI taxation decreases, moderating the contraction’s severity. There are currently three tiers of UI benefits, each with a different level of automaticity. The regular benefits program is the most fully automatic: regular UI benefits flow to qualified unemployed workers immediately, without any external policy intervention required. Extended benefits, which flow to qualified claimants who have exhausted their regular benefits, are less automatic: they become available when unemployment reaches a specified “trigger” level. Supplemental UI benefit programs are the least automatic tier of UI benefits: they become available only by an act of the U.S. Congress.
For
the UI program to serve as an automatic stabilizer, without any intervention of
government, it should increase benefit expenditures during recessions and
collect more UI taxes during recoveries. After five years of solid expansion
the UI trust funds should have more than enough money to extend benefits. Because
the program is not 100 percent automatic, however, empirical evidence must be
gathered and analyzed to monitor the degree to which it helps smooth the
fluctuations in business cycles over time. UI is not completely automatic
because its temporary components are activated only by Congressional action,
and because some of the governing regulations of its permanent components are
determined by state lawmaking. Congress
should extend UI benefits and coverage in a supplemental appropriation from the
trust funds estimated at $10 billion nationally. UI trust fund surpluses should aim for zero and the more solvent
states should assist the more depressed states. A UI account deficit is not expected until 2009, if the recession
continues. UI is the most effective form
of relief from economic recessions. It
is time for Congress to pass a supplemental and begin extending benefits.
1. Aversa, Jeanne. Economy Shows
Resilience , Jobless Rate Falls as Dollar Rises. AP. May 2, 2008
3.
Dorn, Stan; Garrett, Bowen; Holahan, John; Wiliams, Aimee. Medicaid, SCHIP and
Economic Downturn: Policy Changes and Policy Responses. Urban Institute Center
for Health Policy and the Kaiser Commission for Medicaid and the Uninsured. April 2008
4. Economic Stimulus Package of 2008 HR 5140
5. Evans v. Teamsters
Local Union No. 31, 2008 SCC
20 May 1
6. Federal Reserve Governor F.S. Mishkin,
Outlook and Risks for the U.S. Economy, at the National Association for
Business Economics Washington Policy Conference, March
4, 2008
7. Jobs
and Growth Tax Relief Reconciliation Act (JGTRRA)
8. Matzke, Martha; Chimerine, Lawrence ;
Black, Theodore; Coffey, Lester. Unemployment Insurance as an Automatic
Stabilizer: Evidence of Effectiveness Over Three Decades, Coffey
Communications, LLC, for U.S. Department of Labor. Unemployment Insurance
Occasional Paper 99-8.
July 1999
9. McNichol, Elizabeth; Lav, Iris. 22 States
Face Total Budget Shortfall of at Least $39 Billion in 2009; 8 Others Expect
Budget Problems, Center on Budget and Policy Priorities (CBPP), Revised April 15, 2008
10.
National Governor’s Association. Letter Calling for an Extension of
Unemployment Benefits of May
1, 2008
11.
Rangel, Charles. Downturn in the Economy Clearly Justifies Extending
Unemployment Benefits Now. Ways and Means Committee. April
8, 2008
12.
US Department of Labor Employment and Training Administration. Summary Tables
of Unemployment Insurance Trust Funds 3rd
Quarter 2005